BJP2014PLAN4PM-->
Keshu Bhai Ptel, L.K. Advani, Jaswant Singh, Murli Manohar Joshi, Kalraj Mishra and Lalji Tandon...
Who Is Next Target Of Narendra Modi?...Rajnath Singh?,Shushma Swaraj? or Any Other?...
मोदी की यह पुरानी आदत:- केशुभाई पटेल ने उन्हें आगे बढ़ाया, मोदी ने उन्हें ठिकाने लगा दिया।फिर बारी आई लालकृष्ण आडवाणी की, जिन्हें अब दरकिनार कर दिया गया है। और अगली बारी राजनाथ सिंह की है!!!!!
कांग्रेस इससे पहले भी मोदी पर हमला करने के लिए आडवाणी से सहानुभूति जताती रही है। कांग्रेस महासचिव दिग्विजय सिंह ने कहा था कि भाजपा के पीएम पद के दावेदार, आडवाणी के साथ जो कर रहे हैं, वो सही नहीं है।
उन्होंने कहा, "मोदी की यह पुरानी आदत रही है। केशुभाई पटेल ने उन्हें आगे बढ़ाया, मोदी ने उन्हें ठिकाने लगा दिया। फिर बारी आई लालकृष्ण आडवाणी की, जिन्हें अब दरकिनार कर दिया गया है। और अगली बारी राजनाथ सिंह की है।"
WRONG SPEECH:
WHEN the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) ordered the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to nominate the super-aggressive Narendra Modi as its prime ministerial candidate six months ago, neither organisation could have imagined that this would entail a total takeover of the BJP's campaign by a tiny clique.
That clique, comprising Mr. Modi, his henchman Amit Shah, and party President Rajnath Singh, with General Secretary Arun Jaitley's servile backing, is now running riot. It has monopolised election-ticket distribution, and marginalised the BJP's entire senior leadership, which had pulled the party up from the abyss of two Lok Sabha seats in 1984.
The veterans include Messrs. L.K. Advani, Jaswant Singh, Murli Manohar Joshi, Kalraj Mishra and Lalji Tandon, all in their seventies or older. Mr. Advani, who wanted to assert his independence by contesting from Bhopal, was forced to fight from Gandhinagar.
The “Iron Man” lumped the insult and “chose” Gandhinagar in keeping with a shoddy RSS-proposed formula. His supporter Harin Pathak was refused Ahmedabad-East despite winning the seat seven times. Yet, he didn't protest.
Mr. Joshi was moved from Varanasi for Mr. Modi's sake. Mr. Mishra was shifted to Deoria, ignoring former state president S.P. Shahi. Mr. Tandon vacated Lucknow for Rajnath Singh, who isn't confident of winning Ghaziabad a second time.
Only Jaswant Singh (and Lalmuni Choubey in Bihar) protested on being refused tickets. Mr. Singh's nomination from Barmer was opposed by Rajasthan Chief Minister-turned-Modi-crony Vasundhara Raje to favour a Congress defector.
Mr. Singh publicly broke down, accused the BJP of “betrayal,” and filed his nomination as an independent. Sushma Swaraj alone expressed solidarity with him. Mr. Jaitley advised him to “retract.” This only highlights the rifts at the BJP's apex.
The message is clear: these seniors' “experience” doesn't count; they must obey the clique; they perhaps shouldn't expect important portfolios if a BJP-led coalition wins.
The Modi clique is restructuring the BJP's national leadership along the lines of Gujarat, by crushing dissidence and subordinating the party to one person's authoritarianism. Nobody matters in Gujarat except Mr. Modi. He has reduced the RSS to irrelevance there and wants to repeat this nationally.
Even the RSS couldn't have dreamt that its organisational “Fuehrer principle,” ek-chalak anuvartitva (following one leader), would be realised so grotesquely within the BJP by Mr. Modi.
The RSS appointed the BJP's state and national organisation secretaries a decade ago. It has further tightened its grip as the BJP's ideological mentor, political master and organisational gatekeeper. It now has the last word in every BJP decision.
This secretive “cultural” organisation, which doesn't hold internal elections, now dictates to a party which should have a democratic internal structure under India's electoral law. This huge contradiction warrants serious legal action.
The RSS is culpable too. The ban imposed on it after Gandhi's assassination was lifted on condition that it “should adopt a written … constitution, restrict itself to culture, forswear violence and secrecy, profess loyalty to India's flag and Constitution and provide for a democratic organisation.” It never fulfilled these conditions.
However, the ruling Congress is unlikely to initiate action: why, it hasn't even pursued the “Hindutva” bomb-blast cases -- despite compelling evidence!
Amit Shah's imprint is starkly evident in Uttar Pradesh, where he was sent as chief campaign manager last June. His has run a campaign dedicated to Mr. Modi's election, not the BJP's victory.
He has handpicked all UP candidates on the basis of caste, local base, loyalty to Mr. Modi, etc. He is micro-managing the campaign by trying to revive the defunct party apparatus, pouring in vast sums of money, and spreading communal poison, as in Muzaffarnagar.
Mr. Shah is credited with ruthlessness and great micro-management abilities. But had micro-management been all-important, the BJP wouldn't have won just 15 of Gujarat's 26 Lok Sabha seats in 2009.
Uttar Pradesh is vastly more complex than Gujarat -- with sharp social divides, strong caste/community allegiances, and substantial numbers of upper-caste Hindus, Muslims and Dalits (respectively 21%, 19% and 21% of the population). The results of its multi-cornered contests aren't easy to predict.
In recent years, more than two-fifths of UP's seats have changed hands between parties as vote-shares got translated into seats disproportionately. In 2009, the Congress and the BJP got 18.3% and 17.5% of the vote, but ended up with 21 and 10 seats.
The Samajwadi Party and Bahujan Samaj Party, both strong cadre-based organisations, together polled over 50% of UP's votes. They remain formidable. Nor can the Congress be written off. Although it has lost much popular support, it maintains a strong presence in pockets. Its ally Ajit Singh also commands sizeable strength in Western UP.
Mr. Modi's stock has definitely risen in UP after Muzaffarnagar. But it's hard to say that there's a “Modi wave.” In fact, the Modi campaign appears to have lost some momentum recently.
Mr. Shah has embarked on a gamble in UP. Whether he will succeed or not remains unclear. What's amply clear is that the BJP will need to win at least 40-45 seats from UP's total of 80, and another 25 or so from Bihar's 40, to approach the 200-seat mark nationally -- even if it performs brilliantly in its “home states” (Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh) and does reasonably well in Andhra Pradesh/Telangana and Karnataka.
In Maharashtra, another key state, the BJP could have done better on its own, but it's allied with the Shiv Sena, which is challenged by the stronger, combative rival Maharashtra Navnirman Sena. This will further increase the BJP's dependence on its UP gamble.
The entry into the BJP of defectors and small parties – Gen. V.K. Singh, Jagdambika Pal, D. Purandeshwari, and more significantly, the (Kurmi-based) Apna Dal and Ram Bilas Paswan's Lokjanshakti Party -- seems a big gain. But it will probably extract a price too.
That price is internal dissidence and sabotage. This seems to be happening not just in UP, but Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Bihar and elsewhere. How the gains balance the losses still remains unclear.
Keshu Bhai Ptel, L.K. Advani, Jaswant Singh, Murli Manohar Joshi, Kalraj Mishra and Lalji Tandon...
Who Is Next Target Of Narendra Modi?...Rajnath Singh?,Shushma Swaraj? or Any Other?...
मोदी की यह पुरानी आदत:- केशुभाई पटेल ने उन्हें आगे बढ़ाया, मोदी ने उन्हें ठिकाने लगा दिया।फिर बारी आई लालकृष्ण आडवाणी की, जिन्हें अब दरकिनार कर दिया गया है। और अगली बारी राजनाथ सिंह की है!!!!!
कांग्रेस इससे पहले भी मोदी पर हमला करने के लिए आडवाणी से सहानुभूति जताती रही है। कांग्रेस महासचिव दिग्विजय सिंह ने कहा था कि भाजपा के पीएम पद के दावेदार, आडवाणी के साथ जो कर रहे हैं, वो सही नहीं है।
उन्होंने कहा, "मोदी की यह पुरानी आदत रही है। केशुभाई पटेल ने उन्हें आगे बढ़ाया, मोदी ने उन्हें ठिकाने लगा दिया। फिर बारी आई लालकृष्ण आडवाणी की, जिन्हें अब दरकिनार कर दिया गया है। और अगली बारी राजनाथ सिंह की है।"
WRONG SPEECH:
कांग्रेस
के पास मसूद है.बीजेपी के पास अमित शाह हैं.सपा के पास आजम खान हैं.बीएसपी
के पास कादिर राणा हैं.आप के पास क्या है? मत कहना कि मां है
Growing dissonance in the BJP
WHEN the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) ordered the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to nominate the super-aggressive Narendra Modi as its prime ministerial candidate six months ago, neither organisation could have imagined that this would entail a total takeover of the BJP's campaign by a tiny clique.
That clique, comprising Mr. Modi, his henchman Amit Shah, and party President Rajnath Singh, with General Secretary Arun Jaitley's servile backing, is now running riot. It has monopolised election-ticket distribution, and marginalised the BJP's entire senior leadership, which had pulled the party up from the abyss of two Lok Sabha seats in 1984.
The veterans include Messrs. L.K. Advani, Jaswant Singh, Murli Manohar Joshi, Kalraj Mishra and Lalji Tandon, all in their seventies or older. Mr. Advani, who wanted to assert his independence by contesting from Bhopal, was forced to fight from Gandhinagar.
The “Iron Man” lumped the insult and “chose” Gandhinagar in keeping with a shoddy RSS-proposed formula. His supporter Harin Pathak was refused Ahmedabad-East despite winning the seat seven times. Yet, he didn't protest.
Mr. Joshi was moved from Varanasi for Mr. Modi's sake. Mr. Mishra was shifted to Deoria, ignoring former state president S.P. Shahi. Mr. Tandon vacated Lucknow for Rajnath Singh, who isn't confident of winning Ghaziabad a second time.
Only Jaswant Singh (and Lalmuni Choubey in Bihar) protested on being refused tickets. Mr. Singh's nomination from Barmer was opposed by Rajasthan Chief Minister-turned-Modi-crony Vasundhara Raje to favour a Congress defector.
Mr. Singh publicly broke down, accused the BJP of “betrayal,” and filed his nomination as an independent. Sushma Swaraj alone expressed solidarity with him. Mr. Jaitley advised him to “retract.” This only highlights the rifts at the BJP's apex.
The message is clear: these seniors' “experience” doesn't count; they must obey the clique; they perhaps shouldn't expect important portfolios if a BJP-led coalition wins.
The Modi clique is restructuring the BJP's national leadership along the lines of Gujarat, by crushing dissidence and subordinating the party to one person's authoritarianism. Nobody matters in Gujarat except Mr. Modi. He has reduced the RSS to irrelevance there and wants to repeat this nationally.
Even the RSS couldn't have dreamt that its organisational “Fuehrer principle,” ek-chalak anuvartitva (following one leader), would be realised so grotesquely within the BJP by Mr. Modi.
The RSS appointed the BJP's state and national organisation secretaries a decade ago. It has further tightened its grip as the BJP's ideological mentor, political master and organisational gatekeeper. It now has the last word in every BJP decision.
This secretive “cultural” organisation, which doesn't hold internal elections, now dictates to a party which should have a democratic internal structure under India's electoral law. This huge contradiction warrants serious legal action.
The RSS is culpable too. The ban imposed on it after Gandhi's assassination was lifted on condition that it “should adopt a written … constitution, restrict itself to culture, forswear violence and secrecy, profess loyalty to India's flag and Constitution and provide for a democratic organisation.” It never fulfilled these conditions.
However, the ruling Congress is unlikely to initiate action: why, it hasn't even pursued the “Hindutva” bomb-blast cases -- despite compelling evidence!
Amit Shah's imprint is starkly evident in Uttar Pradesh, where he was sent as chief campaign manager last June. His has run a campaign dedicated to Mr. Modi's election, not the BJP's victory.
He has handpicked all UP candidates on the basis of caste, local base, loyalty to Mr. Modi, etc. He is micro-managing the campaign by trying to revive the defunct party apparatus, pouring in vast sums of money, and spreading communal poison, as in Muzaffarnagar.
Mr. Shah is credited with ruthlessness and great micro-management abilities. But had micro-management been all-important, the BJP wouldn't have won just 15 of Gujarat's 26 Lok Sabha seats in 2009.
Uttar Pradesh is vastly more complex than Gujarat -- with sharp social divides, strong caste/community allegiances, and substantial numbers of upper-caste Hindus, Muslims and Dalits (respectively 21%, 19% and 21% of the population). The results of its multi-cornered contests aren't easy to predict.
In recent years, more than two-fifths of UP's seats have changed hands between parties as vote-shares got translated into seats disproportionately. In 2009, the Congress and the BJP got 18.3% and 17.5% of the vote, but ended up with 21 and 10 seats.
The Samajwadi Party and Bahujan Samaj Party, both strong cadre-based organisations, together polled over 50% of UP's votes. They remain formidable. Nor can the Congress be written off. Although it has lost much popular support, it maintains a strong presence in pockets. Its ally Ajit Singh also commands sizeable strength in Western UP.
Mr. Modi's stock has definitely risen in UP after Muzaffarnagar. But it's hard to say that there's a “Modi wave.” In fact, the Modi campaign appears to have lost some momentum recently.
Mr. Shah has embarked on a gamble in UP. Whether he will succeed or not remains unclear. What's amply clear is that the BJP will need to win at least 40-45 seats from UP's total of 80, and another 25 or so from Bihar's 40, to approach the 200-seat mark nationally -- even if it performs brilliantly in its “home states” (Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh) and does reasonably well in Andhra Pradesh/Telangana and Karnataka.
In Maharashtra, another key state, the BJP could have done better on its own, but it's allied with the Shiv Sena, which is challenged by the stronger, combative rival Maharashtra Navnirman Sena. This will further increase the BJP's dependence on its UP gamble.
The entry into the BJP of defectors and small parties – Gen. V.K. Singh, Jagdambika Pal, D. Purandeshwari, and more significantly, the (Kurmi-based) Apna Dal and Ram Bilas Paswan's Lokjanshakti Party -- seems a big gain. But it will probably extract a price too.
That price is internal dissidence and sabotage. This seems to be happening not just in UP, but Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Bihar and elsewhere. How the gains balance the losses still remains unclear.
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